All around the world, calls for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) are gaining renewed urgency. Launched in 2005 by a broad coalition of Palestinian civil society organizations, the BDS movement seeks to end international support of Israel's system of oppression of the Palestinian people, and compel Israel to comply with international law (1). Inspired by the global anti-apartheid struggle, BDS uses three core strategies: boycotts of products and institutions linked to Israel's system of oppression, divestment from companies and funds that sustain its occupation, and sanctions to isolate it on the state level. For nearly two decades, these tools have largely been adopted by individuals, grassroot groups, and progressive institutions. However, a new development is emerging in its history. In July 2025, a coalition of states known as the Hague Group agreed to adopt measures directly aligned with BDS principles, including reviewing state contracts with companies complicit in the occupation (2). This shift signals that the movement's tactics are no longer confined to civil society, but are being embraced at the level of governments.

This article explores how the BDS strategies have gained renewed relevance amid the failure of the international community to uphold its legal obligations in Gaza, while the economic interests driving the assault have been exposed. It also examines how these strategies echo earlier global struggles against apartheid and colonial violence.

Gaza under siege

The BDS calls come at a dire time for international justice, but above all, for the Palestinian people living under siege in Gaza. For more than 21 months, Israel’s indiscriminate bombardment and ground invasion of the Gaza Strip has killed more than 60,000 Palestinians according to official estimates, although experts suggest the true number is far higher (3, 4). Israel has reportedly dropped the equivalent of six times the explosive power of the Hiroshima bomb on this small, densely populated area (5). Civilian infrastructure has been devastated: at least 94% of Gaza’s hospitals have been damaged or destroyed, doctors have been killed or detained, and medical supplies are systematically blocked from entering (6).

Since March this year, the Israeli government has imposed a total blockade on food, water, fuel, and humanitarian aid, resulting in widespread starvation. There are daily reports of people dying of hunger, with children and the elderly most vulnerable (7). At the time of writing, the Gaza health authorities have documented 235 malnutrition-related deaths, including 106 children (8). Israel has started to allow for aid being dropped by air, however, this strategy has been heavily criticized by experts as it is ineffective and even dangerous for people on the ground, as droppings can land on people, killing them (9). Meanwhile, trucks carrying humanitarian aid remain stationed just across the border, only a few miles away (10). Numerous legal scholars and UN officials have described Israel’s actions as violations of international law, pointing to collective punishment, illegal occupation, ethnic cleansing, and the use of starvation as a weapon of war (11, 12, 13).

The failure of the international system

The law prohibiting such acts are rooted in the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. Born from the global resolve to prevent a repeat of the crimes of World War II, they aim to protect human dignity even in times of war and are widely regarded as the cornerstone of international humanitarian law (14). Both the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) play central roles in interpreting and enforcing international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions and the crime of genocide (15). They set clear rules for how states and armed groups must behave during conflict. While nearly all states have endorsed these laws and various institutions exist to enforce them, implementation remains inconsistent.

In the assault on Gaza, both courts have taken unprecedented action. In July 2024, the ICJ found a plausible risk of genocide and ordered Israel to enable the delivery of humanitarian aid and prevent further violations of the Genocide Convention (16). In November 2024, the ICC issued arrest warrants for both Israeli and Hamas leaders, citing war crimes and crimes against humanity (17). Yet these rulings have been met with resistance, while the violence committed by Israel in Gaza only increased. The United States rejected the ICC’s jurisdiction, and President Biden called the arrest warrants against Israeli officials “outrageous” (18). Germany and the United Kingdom and other European countries have continued arms exports to Israel despite the ICJ’s provisional measures (19). The European Commission, when pressed, avoided addressing the ICJ genocide case directly, instead affirming Israel’s “right to defend itself” (20). These responses show how international legal mechanisms are routinely ignored when they challenge the interests of powerful states. Legal action alone has not been enough to restrain Israel’s assault.

The inaction on the assault on Gaza reflects not a legal gap but a political unwillingness to enforce international rulings. Scholars have argued that because the violence is being committed by an ally of the most dominant states of the global political field, the imbalance of power affects the implementation of punitive measures: powerful states shield their allies from accountability while demanding compliance from others (21). This double standard undermines the very foundation of international law. Additionally, such refusal to act on binding measures of international law not only undermines the rule of law but may in itself constitute a breach of state responsibility. In this context, civil society and recently also the members of the Hague Group have turned to BDS strategies as tools of pressure where legal measures have failed.

Economic complicity and the Albanese report

The urgency of such measures is underscored by the July 2025 report UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese, titled The Economy of Genocide (22). Albanese documents how Israel’s assault on Gaza is not only military but deeply economic, driven by a transnational web of private companies, financial institutions, and state-backed supply chains. From weapons manufacturers and surveillance tech firms to construction and logistics companies, these actors are not merely involved but are actively profiting from the destruction of Palestinian life and territory. Companies mentioned in the report are Amazon, Maersk, IBM, Chevron, BP and Microsoft among others (23). The report argues that Israel’s campaign depends on this infrastructure of complicity, and that dismantling it is key to ending the violence.

To show the extent to which the European Union contributes to and profits from Israel’s economy, SOMO (Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations) revealed in a report that the EU is actually the largest trading partner of Israel, larger than the US. Within the EU the Netherlands functions as the largest hub for Israeli investment and trade, including in sectors directly linked to the occupation and military operations (24). Dutch ports facilitate the transit of weapons components, while financial institutions channel investments into firms supplying Israel’s armed forces. According to SOMO, these ties are not incidental but structural, rooted in tax advantages, trade agreements, and political choices that have insulated such flows from scrutiny. Given the Dutch central role in facilitating Israeli trade and investment, the implementation of boycotting strategies would have an incredible amount of leverage, disrupting a significant artery of economic and logistical support of the assault on Gaza.

International law makes clear that states must not aid or assist in maintaining unlawful situations such as occupation or apartheid. Businesses too, are bound by the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights to avoid contributing to human rights abuses and to act when their operations or relationships are linked to them (25). This means that inaction, whether by governments or corporations, when there is clear evidence of serious violations, is not politically neutral, but a form of complicity.

Lessons from the anti-apartheid struggle

The BDS strategies have a powerful historical precedent. During the 1970s and 1980s, international boycotts and divestment campaigns played a crucial role in undermining the apartheid regime in South Africa. Governments, universities, unions, and civil society around the world imposed economic and cultural isolation. This contributed to the regime’s growing diplomatic marginalization and internal crisis (26). What made these efforts effective was their breadth and persistence. They cut off legitimacy, redirected financial flows, and built a sense of global solidarity that made apartheid increasingly untenable. By turning to similar tools, the BDS movement builds on a proven tradition of nonviolent resistance that has historically succeeded in forcing political change where formal institutions have failed.

In the face of mounting evidence of war crimes, the paralysis of international institutions, and the open complicity of powerful states, it is clear that we cannot wait for governments to act. The boycott movement against the apartheid regime in South Africa has demonstrated that alternative paths to justice are both necessary and possible. These paths are grounded in international law, collective action, and moral clarity. But their efforts must be amplified. As individuals, workers, students, and consumers, we hold the power to withdraw our complicity from systems that sustain oppression. This means informing ourselves by reading about which organizations are complicit, refusing to buy from companies profiting from the occupation, pressuring our workplaces to divest, and demanding accountability from those who continue to enable Israel’s assault. Let’s show our (future) grandchildren that we care about the principles and institutions of human rights. Shall we?

This article is part of The Outside World, ftrprf’s very own research center.

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Sources:

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